Decoding BJP politics as support continues to grow for BJP Nagaland

Day after day, the official Twitter account of the BJP Nagaland continues to share how various members of other political parties have joined the BJP in a series of tweets. On Wednesday evening, the BJP official account tweeted that, under 59 A/C, NPF members of all rank and file left the party and joined the BJP at a retreat center in Tetheyo and Longmatra Area Unit, Tuensang.

On the same day, it also tweeted that the BJP 55 A/C Mandal Tobu held a joining program at Changlangshu village where 5 households joined the BJP to support Naiba Konyak, Ex-Minister and National Executive Member ST Morcha, in the upcoming election 2023.

Meanwhile, according to social media users on various platforms, more and more people in Nagaland continue to embrace the saffron party, citing that they are tired of the UDA alliance’s governance – although BJP is part of the UDA – and that there are people who believe that the BJP can bring about the change that they all desired. The anti-incumbency sentiment is clearly noticeable.

On a national scale, the BJP’s electoral success is largely linked to Mr Modi’s charisma, as well as the politics of religious divisiveness and ultra-nationalism. And in a way, identity politics would have resonated with the voters of Nagaland.

For Nagaland voters, it has never been about ideology or patriotism. Nagaland voters have traditionally identified with and affiliated with political candidates. The findings of Dr. E. Benrithung Patton’s book, “Political Participation and Political Attitude: A Study of Mokokchung District,” at least for Mokokchung, demonstrate this. As a result, the BJP’s controversial politics have little influence or bearing on Naga voters’ decisions.

However, the BJP in Nagaland continues to do things that will win them easy votes. Its campaign is not only powered by an untiring network of workers, but the party also has foot soldiers who do an excellent job rallying people on the ground.

The BJP also mastered the use of media and technology, such as social media, radio, and television, which may now impact elections in today’s world. The BJP used social media and the internet to mobilize supporters and shape the narrative that it is a government that can deliver.

“I had never heard of any Prime Minister in India before, but now I know his name is Modi,” Alila, 76, a farmer from a village in Mokokchung remarked.

When asked how she found out about it, she replied, “Who wouldn’t know him? I keep hearing his name on the radio every evening.”

But the most essential thing the BJP did to get a foothold in Nagaland was to project and promote the various welfare schemes such as free rations, cooking gas for the underprivileged, and direct cash transfer programs – the freebie politics.

Furthermore, schemes such as Jal Jeevan Mission, PMAY-Housing for All, Swachh Bharat Mission, PM Kisan Scheme, and Atal Pension Yojana have made PM Modi and his party immensely popular among rural and old people.

“In my 69 years, I do not recall the government ever giving me money but, at the very least, Modi pays us 2000 rupees per year without us doing anything,” Sashi stated, alluding to the Atal Pension Yojana.

Mr. Aye, 58, holds the same viewpoint. In fact, he claims, “Since Modi’s election, there has been a lot of development. Departments that have never been deployed before have begun to mobilize.”

These are just a few examples of how the BJP has gained traction in rural areas as well as among the elderly. And it is clear that, whether one may like it or not, the BJP is doing everything possible to win the election.

Perhaps, in a democracy like India, it is time for opposition parties to band together and truly improve their public-interest politics. Because a democracy can turn authoritarian if there is no strong opposition.

Mokokchung Times